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NEO-ARAMAIC
DIALECT OF KURDISTAN 1982
ISBN 0-940490-64-1 by Goerg
Kroknoff
Introduction, Text and Translations Pages 1,2 &69

To a people whose age
long suffering has rarely come to the attention of the world.
To a people whose frugal habitat did not ensure their freedom from
oppression.
To a people whose spiritual leaders have upheld the love of learning
in the face of all adversity.
This book is dedicated.
INTRODUCTION
1.1.
GENERAL. INFORMATION. The presentation of new materials in a
linguistic field in which all publications to date still it very
easily on the top of a single desk hardly needs an elaborate
justification. Especially in the case of the Neo-Aramaic
(henceforward NA) dialects, however, the preservation of all
authentic recorded texts is imperative a view of the many factors
which, in the course of this century, have decimated and dispersed
these communities and endangered their very existence. Just as is
the case with so many material remains from antiquity, the past
hundred years have seen more destruction of minority societies than
the preceding millennium— a millennium during which these societies
managed to preserve their religious and linguistic identity in spite
of the vicissitudes of Near Eastern history.
The texts contained in this
hook were recorded during the first ha If of 1959 in Baghdad from
the mouth of a twenty-live year old Chaldean by the name of Shabo, a
native of the village Aradhin in Iraqi Kurdistan. The village is
situated some ten miles west of Amadia, and in 1959 its southern end
could be reached by a partially paved road which branched north from
the highway connecting Dohuk and Amadia. It appears as Aradhina on
the map of Asia I 1.000.000 published by the British War Office in
1942 (3rd edition 1943), sheet North
j 38 (Tabriz), where it
is located at approximately 317’ latitude, 43’ 20’ longitude. From
the words of. Shabo (6. I 03! 4.), we may gather that Aradhin was of
greater importance in I he past than its condition at the time of my
visit in 1959 and the very rare occurrence of its name in the
relevant literature suggest. Unfortunately. I have no information
about its present state, arid I can only hope that reports in recent
years of the total destruction of Kurdish and Chaldean villages in
connect ion with the Iraqi—Kurdish conflict have been exaggerated.
Shabo had spent the first
eighteen years of his life in the village, where his albinism
complexion and poor eyesight caused him
more than the usual hardship while working in the fields. Like
so many other Chaldean villagers, he sought to improve his lot by
moving to Baghdad where he found employment as a servant in a
private home. Endowed with an intelligent and inquisitive mind, he
tried to improve whatever meager education the village school had
been able to offer him. Thus, by the time we met, he was fluent in a
rather refined Arabic and had even taught himself some English As to
his native tongue, he maintained its fluency by frequenting
relatives in Baghdad and
by occasionally visiting the village. He also had a knowledge of
Kurdish, hut I am unable to assess the degree of his proficiency.
Having found in Shabo a
willing and capable informant. I refrained from prejudicing myself
by reference to any published information. After a few preliminary
sessions, during which we went over the basic notions of the
language and translated short sentences, the following method
evolved Shabo would speak on a
given subject for about half an hour. Then we would play hack his
speech from the magnetic tape
ii
short portions, and I would repeat every word as
often as
necessary to obtain Shabo’s approval and then write it down in
phonetic script. For every sentence the translation was also noted
immediately and additional vocabulary was recorded on the margin.
My instruction to Shabo was
to speak naturally as he would to his relatives and friends in his
village. Yet, characteristically for such recording situations, nm
informant first had to overcome the artificiality of the situation,
his self—consciousness, and the awareness that he was speaking ‘‘for
the record.” At our first session I asked him to tell a story. He
gave a version of ‘The treasure of the Hanging Man’ (Stith Thompson,
No. 910 D)) which he had heard from his grandfather. It is full of
slips into the literary idiom. of
Arabic words and of
other infelicities. and is, therefore, given last in this hook (6.11
5ff) as an example of a contaminated text. Since, after this first
trial, I had doubts as to Shabo's talents as a story teller, I
decided to have him tell everything he knew about his village and
the life of its people. This task Shabo performed systematically and
conscientiously.
His initial
inhibitions meanwhile
disappeared and his speech flowed naturally.
My peregrinations, other
more pressing tasks, and the vague hope of being able one day to go
hack to collect more material have kept me. or so many years. from
publishing this study. But I do not think that I should wait any
longer. To he sure, only texts covering every possible life
situation would give the assurance that no grammatical category has
been missed, but after having completed my analysis of the corpus. I
feel that it provides the basis for a virtually complete description
of this particular dialect of NA. May this publication also serve as
a monument to Shabo and his people.
1.2.
INFO—ARAMAIC
AND THE DIALECT OF ARADHIN. The
NA dialects are the surviving remains of the once widespread Aramaic
language of antiquity. They are spoken by religious minorities in
mountainous retreat areas and are divided into three main groups:
The westernmost Ma.
lula group spoken in
a few villages in Syria north of Damascus, the Suroyo group spoken
in the area of Tur Abdin in eastern Turkey, and the easternmost
group which is mostly identified with its main literary
representative, the dialect of Urmia (present name Rezaieh) in
northwestern Iran. In the publications dealing with this third group
the language may be labeled Modern Syriac (Stoddard), Vernacular
Syriac (Maclean). Modern Assyrian (Tsereteli), Modern Chaldean
(Sara). or Fellihi (Sachau); the last designation is limited to the
dialects of the plain of Mosul. There are considerable phonetic and
even structural differences within this group.
The
isoglosses which
characterize the subdivisions differ according to geographical
location and religious affiliation, since the dialects of the Jews
are at variance with those of the Christians even if they are
geographically close. 1he Christian dialects seem to he. on the
whole, mutually understandable despite the fact that they gave rise
to two different literary forms—one developed by the missionaries in
Urmia, and the other used in the publications of the Dominican press
in Mosul.
The texts, as dictated by
Shabo after his initial inhibitions were overcome, exhibit such
structural consistency that there is no doubt that they do indeed
represent his native dialect. As many be expected for purely
geographical reasons, it is more closely related to the Fellihi than
to other recorded dialects of eastern NA. In particular, a
comparison of the vocabulary with MacLean's dictionary shows that
the phonetics, and especially the vocalization, coincide with the
variants marked Al. (for Alqosh, the main representative of Fellihi).
Occasionally, however, the coincide may be with K. (Kurdistan) of
Ash. (Ashitha) to the exclusion of Alqosh. Note the coincidence of
the non-spirantized
The Village Araden (page 69)
I.
The name (lit, word) Aradhin is applied to both parts of a
village which lies in the valley [on the side] of a mountain called
Chamatin. The name Chamatin is adopted into Syriac from Kurdish.
2.
The village Aradhin is situated in the valley. On its higher
side is a mountain. One does not see anything except the valley in
which [the village] lies. In the east, a few hills, separated from
the mountain, are [aligned in] descending [order]. The same [is the
case] in the west, but in the west there are fewer hills adjoining
the mountain than those which adjoin the same mountain in the east.
Below [the village] lies the plain, and very far away is a mountain
which is called Oara.
3.
Opposite the village there is a hill called Rawma. In spring
this hill has such a beautiful appearance. because all the vineyards
which cover it become green, [so that] someone who looks at it
experiences great joy, such as is felt only in the spring.
[Agriculture]
4.
There are non
irrigated and irrigated lands in the [neighborhood of the] village.
The irrigated orchards are around the village, while the non
irrigated [fields] are somewhat farther away from it and occupy the
entire lower part of the village [property]. Previously, this
property had been very large. hut now a large part of it has been
occupied by the Kurds who are settled there.
5.
On the non irrigated land of Aradhin wheat, barley, lentils,
and chickpeas are planted. On the irrigated land the crops are
tobacco and sesame, while in the past they used to be Italian millet
and panic millet. Now, tomatoes, eggplants, okra, various squashes,
rice, and other things are [also] being planted.
6.
The fruits which
[grow] there are grapes, those which are planted in vineyards. There
are also garden grapes, and there are figs, plums, apricots, yellow
plums. and apples. In the past. the people of Aradhin produced silk,
and up to this day there are mulberry trees on the lands of Aradhin.
There are various trees, like gall-oak. oak, terabits, walnut, and
various other trees.
7.
The agricultural tools. The peasants use a plow [whose parts
are] the beam, the handle, the yoke, and the share. The beam is a
long pole which is attached to the plow with two bolts, and at its
front end is a small piece of wood called a bar. This bar is put
into a piece of wood which is placed on the necks of the oxen and is
called the yoke. The opening (lit, place) through which the neck of
the ox goes is [formed by] two pieces of wood called kat
Ira.
And the handle is a thing which the
plowman takes into his hand when he plows. And the [above] beam is a
long pole so that it corresponds to the length of the ox.

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